On the exact date Donald Trump received a tailor-made "peace prize" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government released an similarly ostentatious security policy document. This fairly short report is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically modest claim that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the brink of catastrophe and ruin."
Even though the document largely codifies the ongoing actions and statements of Trump and his team, it must be taken as a grave caution for the world, and for the European continent in particular.
The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy interference where the US clearly sets the goal of "promoting European strength." Its rhetoric could have been lifted directly from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the much-discussed migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to remain European, to regain its cultural self-confidence." More worryingly, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is overshadowed by the real and starker possibility of cultural extinction."
The entire section on Europe is imbued with decades of European far-right ideology and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "changing the continent and creating strife, suppression of free speech and stifling of dissent, plummeting birthrates, and erosion of sovereign identity and self-confidence." Per the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether some European countries will have economies and armed forces powerful enough to remain dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration asserts that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become majority non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to champion authentic democracy, free speech, and proud commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."
These points carry powerful echoes of two concepts regarded as core for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose thesis on the inevitable fall of civilizations was employed by the German far right to attack the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "native" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, alleging European elites of using immigration to substitute restive "native" populations and import a more submissive and dependent electorate.
It is the nativist fever dream encapsulated in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the right, if not the obligation, to interfere in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is clear where it identifies its allies: "The United States urges its ideological partners in Europe to promote this revival of spirit, and the increasing clout of nationalist European parties indeed gives cause for significant hope."
In other words, the US believes that it is essential to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only movement that can achieve this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" focuses on "cultivating opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "strengthening the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document remains unclear on implementation, it is apparent that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – especially regarding right-wing speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not treat Russia as an adversary either.
In a wider context, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to meddle in the "western hemisphere," which he proclaimed to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "implement a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.
This is necessarily new – recall JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will finally understand that the situation is serious. And if the document is too lengthy or vague for them, it can be summarised in plain and succinct terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an reluctant ally; it is a deliberate adversary. It is time to respond appropriately.
Lena is a tech enthusiast and home entertainment expert who enjoys helping customers optimize their viewing experiences with the latest gadgets.